George B. Tindall

Kenan Professor Emeritus

University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill

Stephen Potter, the British humorist, the guru of "gamesmanship and "one-upmanship," once set forth an easy way to confound almost any general statement. The beauty of the formula, he said, was its "deadly simplicity." Whenever somebody utters a broad pronouncement, you pause for effect and then respond thoughtfully, "Yes, but not in the South." It happens that when he wrote that, he had reference to Italy, not to America. Still whether you are talking about the Mezzogiorno, the Midi, or the American Sunbelt, you can count on the South to be different, more often than not.

One of the many ways in which the American South has differed has been in the homogeneity of its population. Southerners of whatever color were and still are native Americans. Not that it was always so. One of the ways in which the colonial South differed was that it had a polyglot mixture of American Indians of many tribes and tongues, whites from many parts of western Europe, and blacks from many parts of western Africa.

As late as 1809, David Ramsay could write in his History of South Carolina:

So many and so various have been the sources from which Carolina has derived her population, that a considerable period must elapse, before the people amalgamate into a mass possessing an uniform national character.

Now, however, a considerable period has elapsed during which, for two centuries after the American Revolution, few immigrants were drawn to the South, and native Southerners evolved into what amounted to a new ethnic group. There were proportionately about as many foreign-born in Southern cities as in Northern, but the rural South had few—the Texas Germans being the largest rural group. After the Civil War southern states actively promoted immigration, but with only spotty results. And in the twentieth century, Southerners more and more shared the opinions of other Americans that the time had come to close the gates.

Ethnicity, therefore, long seemed an unlikely topic for historians of the South. I approached the subject by the back door, so to speak. Twenty years ago, casting about for a timely topic for a presidential address to the Southern Historical Association, I hit upon the fashion of the "new ethnicity" in the 1970s, a rediscovery of "roots," as Alex Haley was soon to put it in his epic of black Southerners. The new ethnicity celebrated diversity in reaction to pressures for conformity in American life.

It slowly dawned on me that Southerners, white and black, were outsiders in ways similar to later immigrant groups. Sociologists Lewis Killin and John Reed in recent books had made the analogy to ethnic groups, and back in 1938 journalist Jonathan Daniels had written that "being a Southerner is like being a Jew." And, indeed, perhaps more needs to be written about the similarity of the minds and emotions of the Jew, the Irishman, the Southerner, and, perhaps, the Pole, as a basis for the better understanding of each of them and of them all.

If there had been any place where the American melting pot worked, I suggested in my address, it was in the South where two melting pots, white and black, bubbled away side by side. "However surprising it may sound at first," I said, "the function of melting pots is to create new ethnic groups. Everybody has a melting pot in his past."

As yet, however, it was much less apparent that, even in the South, the 1970s were becoming The Decade of the Ethnics in ways unforeseen. While old ethnic groups renewed self-awareness, new ethnic groups were rising from floods of newcomers, mainly Asian or Hispanic in origin.

It now seems likely that the twentieth century, which began with a record decade of immigration, 1901-1910, will end with another record decade in 1991-2000. In fact, if one could count undocumented immigrants, a new record may have been sent in the 1980s. During the decade 1981-1990, legal immigrants numbered 7.3 million, not far short of the 8.7 million who came in 1901-1910. It is not unthinkable that enough illegals arrived in the 1980s to make up the difference.

In the 1920s the National Origins Laws closed the Golden Door to America to all but a trickle. The quotas set then favored the oldest European stock, but still left the gates open to newcomers from the Americas.

In the late 1930s, the exclusionary laws remained unchanged. The plight of refugees from dictatorship and war was acknowledged chiefly in President Roosevelt's directive that the consular service grant them "the most humane and favorable treatment under the law." But the story since World War II has been the gradual reopening of the gates. It would be tedious to detail all the changes in legislation since then, so I won't take time on that here.

The newest immigrants are coming from different origins than before, mainly Asia and Latin America, and they are going to different destinations than before, more than ever to the West and the South, changing a pattern that had prevailed for nearly two centuries after the 1770s.

Like most others, I gathered what was happening only slowly, from observation more than systematic evidence. Universities in the Raleigh-Durham-Chapel Hill Triangle have long harbored a more diverse community than most of the surrounding region, so the changes there were less startling than in other places.

As one frequent visitor from Japan described it, (I'm quoting here from Yoshimitsu Ide, who holds a degree from the University of Florida at Gainesville):

The Raleigh-Durham-Chapel Hill area is a microcosm of American politics. In the political arena, very liberal Democrats compete with very conservative Republicans. . . . The area offers a startling contrast between traditional and post-industrial America. Vestiges of the ante-bellum Southern aristocracy exist beside high-technology industries. Here the foreigner can observe 'rednecks' as well as 'Yuppies.' Here is a window into both America's past and its future.

The first sign of a new and fruitful relationship came in the fall of 1968 when I returned from a Fulbright Professorship in Vienna to find a Japanese professor of American History in my seminar. Six years later another appeared, and since 1974 there has been almost a yearly visit of one or more Japanese professors or students pursuing Southern history or literature.

The population has become more diverse with the growth of the Research Triangle Park (founded 1955)—the name signifying the three major universities in the area. The park has not been the only destination of immigrants to North Carolina. So many Vietnamese refugees gravitated to the site of Fort Bragg and Pope Air Force base that the nearby town of Fayetteville got the new name of "Fayettenam." One Mexican student in Chapel Hill recently engaged in a research project of interviewing Mexican women in Montgomery County of North Carolina where numbers of Mexicans (many of them illegal immigrants) have been recruited to work in hosiery mills—in the "rent-a-slave" program, as some locals called it. And many of the immigrants, of course, have been farm laborers.

Not everybody found the population growth in the Triangle an unmixed blessing. It ran prices up, brought crowding, traffic jams, a noisier airport. But the growing population also brought a new diversity to the culture and cuisine of the Triangle. One can easily find restaurants specializing in Chinese, Japanese, Vietnamese, French, Italian, Indian, Eastern European, Moroccan, Mexican, and other cuisines. Down-home cooking did not vanish, however. It flourished, to some degree, as an exotic treat for newcomers. One Chapel Hill restaurant invited them to "Put a little South in your mouth."

Foreign investment is all over the Southeast, not just in the Triangle. Kirkpatrick Sale's book, Power Shift (1975), which popularized the term Sunbelt, was quickly translated into Japanese and seems to explain Japanese interest in the region for investment in recent years. Much of the foreign investment is also European: British, German, French, Dutch, Italian, Swiss. Conspicuous examples may be found along the route between my home in North Carolina and my birthplace in upstate South Carolina.

This is the belt which newsman Jonathan Daniels, in his book A Southerner Discovers the South (1938), called "Gold Avenue" because of the wealth derived from the textile mills which had sprung up along the route of the Southern Railway. The same belt is now traversed by I-85, sometimes called the "Strassenbahn," and is seeing "a collision of cultures that economists say is one version of the future." They might better have said of the present.

A BMW assembly plant at Greer, South Carolina, will be the next and probably the biggest along that stretch. Michelin's North American headquarters is already there, along with industries which make "everything from soccer balls (Umbro) to toner for fax machines (Mita) to ballpoint pens (Bic) to fibers (Hoechst)." Greenville, South Carolina, my old home town, has a private French-language school. Spartanburg used to have one of the best German delicatessens around. It has now been replaced by a Mexican restaurant, maybe some kind of sign of the times.

The new distribution of newcomers has been dramatic. The Southern states as defined by the Census included in their 1940 population less the 5.5 percent of all foreign born in the United States, approximately the same as in 1900. As late as 1960, the South accounted for only 9 percent of the total foreign born, but by 1990 the South's share had risen to 23.2 percent. The share of foreign born, however, still did not equal the region's 34.4 percent of total population. And the foreign born still accounted for only 5 percent of the regional population, well short of their 7.9 percent of national population. And that, in turn, is little more than half the 14.6 percent of foreign born in 1910, on the eve of World War I.

Not all new ethnics come from abroad. The South, long a seedbed of population for the nation, has seen a reversal also in that pattern. More people, both native and foreign, have moved into the region than out of it in the last three decades.

One of the fast growing new ethnic groups, in fact, is Yankees. During the 1970s and 1980s, the South gained 4 million and the West 2.3 million domestic migrants, while the Northeast and Midwest were losing ground. Since the mid-1960s, moreover, the South has had a net gain in the migration of blacks, more entering or reentering the South than leaving.

Of course, the newcomers have had more impact in some places than in others. The heaviest concentrations of Hispanic population within the South are along the southernmost rim. In 1990 Texas numbered 3.5 million and Florida 1.5, but six more states numbered at least 100,000 each: Louisiana, Alabama, Georgia, North Carolina, Virginia, and Maryland.

And so it goes also with Asians. A number of Vietnamese were drawn to Versailles, Louisiana, which became maybe the most intensely Vietnamese community in the country, if not the largest. These formed a portion of about 12,000 Vietnamese who had settled around greater New Orleans, drawn to a congenial climate not unlike Southeast Asia's. Versailles residents in effect combined into one the three fishing villages southeast of Saigon from which most of them came. About 40 percent of them in 1988 already owned their own homes, but the newcomers had trouble with biased neighbors. Several got death threats amid rumors that missing pets had gone into Vietnamese stewpots. Another complaint, more likely based on fact, was about the pungent fish they hung out to dry.

There is a fast growing literature on the newest immigration to the South. Most of it is in scattered articles, but some has been gathered in books. In 1988 one group of historians published a collection of essays which surveyed important aspects of the new developments, with useful footnotes and a bibliographic essay which make it an essential starting place for study of the subject. Edited by Randall M. Miller and George E. Pozzetta, the volume has an inspired title, Shades of the Sunbelt, linked to a more pedestrian subtitle, Essays on Ethnicity, Race, and the Urban South.

One limitation of the book, or maybe its strength, is the emphasis on Florida. At least it avoids obsession with Miami, although it includes an excellent piece by Raymond Mohl on the "ethnic caldron" of the city's politics. Not that Miami is unimportant, but that it is a special case. The city, in fact much of South Florida, used to be "America's Last Frontier," before Alaska claimed that title, and was built and settled in this century by Yankees and was never really part of either the Old or the New South. Over fifty years ago, when Jonathan Daniels set out to write A Southerner Discovers the South, he suddenly realized half way down the peninsula that he had entered Yankee Florida, he said, whereupon he turned around and headed north back into the South.

Since the 1940s, Yankee Florida has seen new waves of immigration: first, the arrival of Jewish retirees in such numbers as to give Miami a proportion of Jewish population second only to New York's, a movement said to be the only mass migration of the elderly in modern times; then, after Fidel Castro seized power in 1959, Cubans in such numbers as to make Miami into a "Little Havana."

Hardly a typical American city. The rest of Florida is hardly typical either, but perhaps a harbinger of changes to come. In every decade of the century 1890-1990, the state's population growth outpaced that of the nation. From being one of the smallest states, it went to being the fourth largest. The population density went from less than a third to more than triple the nation's; the percentage aged sixty-five or over from slightly less to well above the nation's; the percentage foreign-born from less than a third to nearly twice the nation's. These made up in 1990 over 14.5 percent of Florida's population.

At one place or another in Florida, one can hear almost any European language including both Canadian and Caribbean versions of French and such rarities as Finnish and Romanian. Asians numbered only a little over 3 percent of the foreign-born in 1990, but they were mostly among the very recently arrived.

One cannot easily generalize about the Latino population at large. It includes numbers of Puerto Ricans, who as citizens do not get counted as immigrants. It includes Tejanos whose roots in the land go deeper than those of the "Anglos," an established population that, in San Antonio especially, exercised political clout before the turn of the century and now does once again. "We never crossed a border," they say, "the border crossed us."

Cuban migrants (along with Asians) have tended to be more middle class and educated than Mexicans, in fact more so than the native population. Mexican newcomers have been more commonly unskilled. More recently they have been joined by refugees from civil war and poverty in Central America: Salvadoran, Nicaraguan, and so forth. Migrants from the Caribbean add to the mix.

Obviously, then, one new frontier for Southern historians now is the role of ethnic diversity in the region—more than just that represented by black and white. The ethnics have been here all along, if in limited numbers until recently, as I noted in 1973:

a few reminders of forgotten Spaniards and Frenchmen, some Mexican-Americans renamed Chicanos, some Cuban cigar-makers in Tampa and Ybor City and the more recent Cuban refugees, some German counties out in Texas, Cajuns up the bayous, Italians in New Orleans, Hungarians over in Tangipahoa Parish, a scattering of Czechs, Dutch, Ukrainians, and in Mississippi, even Chinese. Jews are visible, if scarce, in most localities; politicians in Charleston used to reckon with Irish and Germans; and there are those enclaves of mixed-blood Lumbees, Tuscaroras,`Brass Ankles,' Melungeons, and Turks, not to mention remnants of Cherokees, Catawbas, Creeks, and Seminoles.

What, then, might history suggest we expect from the growing numbers and variety of domestic and foreign newcomers? Reactions to migration have a strong tendency to repeat themselves.

Foremost among them is the fear and suspicion of strangers in the land. The dread of cultural conquest seems ingrained, no matter how ill founded. And, to be sure, one early Southerner, at least, did get it right. Chief Powhatan told Captain John Smith of the many "who do informe me your coming is not for trade, but to invade my people and possesse my country."

But John Smith's successors kept getting it wrong. Benjamin Franklin, for instance, wanted to know: "Why should Pennsylvania, founded by the English, become a colony of Aliens, who will shortly be so numerous as to Germanize us instead of our Anglifying them. . . ?" The outsiders may be domestic migrants too. On cars around the Triangle area one sees imitation state licenses inscribed "Native" and bumper stickers that say: "We don't care how they do it in New York." Any day we may see graffiti that say: "Yankee Go Home."

In some cases black and white natives have united in their fear of losing jobs and business to newcomers, although others argue that immigrants have added more than they have taken from the economy. It does seem reasonable to assume that those who have shown the initiative and know-how to make the move are likely on average to be bright and ambitious. By common repute Asian immigrants have been the highest achievers in both enterprise and education. Which makes them all the more hateful to some people. A study of Vietnamese refugees in North Carolina, for instance, shows that employers invariably praise their habits of diligence. This may be the result of an ingrained work ethic, more Confucian than Protestant in its roots.

While there is a high degree of xenophobia among blacks, on occasion black leaders have made common cause politically with Latinos rather than fight over the crumbs from the table. For the most part, in the South and elsewhere, the foreign-born follow a time-honored habit of voting for the traditional party of "outsiders," the Democrats. Cuban newcomers, however, and refugees from Marxist movements elsewhere have been the great exceptions. They have tended toward the Republicans, whom they have perceived as tougher on Communists.

It has been interesting to see black leaders who have finally made it politically then being forced to cope with an ethnic politics such as Northern cities have had for years. Not long ago, then Mayor Andrew Young of Atlanta described the poor veterinary service at the Atlanta Zoo as being like Korean medicine—only to face a storm of protest from a Korean community of about 15,000. It took quick footwork to explain that he had in mind the kind of handicaps American surgeons worked under in the television program M*A*S*H.

Demands for English as an official language parallel the campaign which occurred over a century ago to forbid German-language schools in the Middle West. Miami was the birthplace in the early 1970s of the latter-day English Only effort. When the North Carolina Legislature took up the subject, one of my colleagues put the matter in perspective. He wanted to know: "What's the matter with the way we been talkin'?"

The most likely outcome will be an old pattern described years ago by historian Marcus Lee Hansen: second-generation Americans reject the old language and culture in order to be accepted as American, then the third generation desperately tries to recover its heritage. Hansen called it "the almost universal phenomenon that what the son wishes to forget the grandson wishes to remember." But language is not so easily reclaimed as, say, folk dancing. Hansen even cited Gone With the Wind as an example of the third-generation phenomenon, written by a grand-daughter of the Confederacy.

American experience so far has been to keep chucking out the rich feast of languages that immigrants bring in, along with those the earliest inhabitants invented here. The problem is just the opposite of what the English-only people fear. We risk not losing English; we risk losing all those other languages.

A study by the Hispanic Policy Development Project showed that in 1986 already 42.7 percent of the Hispanics were bilingual and preferred English, but 55.9 percent of those under twenty years old preferred English. In fact English was already the mother tongue—the first language learned—of 30 percent of the Hispanics.

My colleague, anthropologist James L. Peacock, III, has remarked on how quickly quite diverse ethnic groups have assimilated not only English but Southern accents. Students from Korea and India, for instance, who spent their teen-age years in small North Carolina towns and talk like natives of the same places. The phenomenon of assimilation to regional patterns has long been noted on the part of ethnic groups with deeper roots in the South. Moreover, to change is not necessarily to lose a distinctive identity, but often to enrich it through syncretic combinations, as with Jewish Southerners whose roots go back into the colonial era, or Afro-Catholics, or Japanese war brides whose worldview has been found to combine Southern evangelical and Japanese Buddhist themes. Living cultures do not resist change forever.

All along a few historians have been paying attention to the elements of ethnic diversity in the South. In recent years there has been a growing interest. It may be an accident rather than evidence of a trend, but The Journal of American Ethnic History, published by the Immigration History Society, is edited in the South at Georgia Institute of Technology by Ronald H. Bayor, who himself has pursued research on ethnic groups in Atlanta and other Southern cities.

Historians of immigration and ethnicity have led the way, but historians of the South can no longer assume, as most have done, that the subject is outside their purview. Now, just over 200 years after the birth of the Cotton Belt and 100 years after the birth of the New South, the conviction grows that the region is at a new conjuncture in its history. One thing seems already clear about the post-New South. The shades of the Sunbelt will no longer be a simple matter of black and white. They will span a much broader spectrum of color.

ENDNOTES

1. Stephen Potter, Some Notes on Lifemanship (New York: Holt, 1951), 27.
2. David Ramsay, History of South Carolina from its First Settlement in 1670 to the Year 1808, 2 vols. (Columbia, SC: Published for the author by David Longworth, 1809), 1: 22-23.
3. George B. Tindall, "Beyond the Mainstream: The Ethnic Southerners," Journal of Southern History 40 (Feb. 1974), 3-18. See also Michael Novak, The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnics: Politics Culture in the Seventies (New York: Macmillan, 1972); Andrew M. Greeley, Why Can't They Be Like Us (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1971); Peter Schrag, The Decline of the WASP (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1971).
4. Jonathan Daniels, A Southerner Discovers the South (New York: Macmillan, 1938), 8.
5. Lewis M. Killian, White Southerners (New York: Random House, 1970); John S. Reed, The Enduring South (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1972).
6. US Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census, Statistical Abstract of the United States: 1992 (Washington, DC, 1992), 10; US Department of Justice, Immigration and Naturalization Service, Immigration Statistics: Fiscal Year 1991 (Washington, DC, 1992), 1.
7. David M. Reimers, Still the Golden Door: The Third World Comes to America (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985), 7; Leonard Dinnerstein and David M. Reimers, Ethnic Americans: A History of Immigration (New York: Harper and Row, 1988), 85-88.
8. A useful summary of this legislation (except for 1990) may be found in Scott McConnell, "The New Battle Over Immigration," Fortune, 117 (May 9, 1988), 89-102. Greater detail appears in Reimers, Still the Golden Door, 20-22, 26-27, 63-90.
9. Hajimu Sasaki to Eric J. Gangloff, July 31, 1987. Letter from a professor of English at Tohoku University, Sendai, Japan, to the associate executive director of the Japan-United States Friendship Commission, Tokyo, restating opinions expressed by Yoshimitsu Ide, professor of history at Tokyo Women's University. Copy in possession of author.
10. Ezra F. Vogel, Comeback. Case by Case: Building the Resurgence of American Business (New York, 1985), 240-62.
11. Alma Guerrero, "A Better Future: Mexican Women in North Carolina," seminar paper, Department of History, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1989. Copy in possession of author.
12 Kirkpatrick Sale, Power Shift: The Rise of the Southern Rim and Its Challenge to the Eastern Establishment (New York: Random House, 1975); James R. Adams, "The Sunbelt," in Dixie Dateline: A Journalistic Portrait of the Contemporary South, ed. John B. Boles (Houston, TX: Rice University Studies, 1983), 142.
13. Washington Post, Dec. 26, 1992. See also "The Boom Belt," Business Week, Sept. 27, 1993, 98-104.
14. Washington Post, Dec. 26, 1992.
15. Computed from Census of 1940: Population (Washington, DC, 1943), 2: 88; Census of 1960, Population (Washington, DC, 1964), I, 1-16, 1-201, 1-625; Statistical Abstract of the United States: 1992, 42; 1990 Census of Population and Housing, Summary Tape File #3C on CD-ROM Technical Documentation (Washington, DC: Bureau of the Census, 1993); and Donald J. Bogue, The Population of the United States: Historical Trends and Future Projections (New York: The Free Press, 1985), 371. See also John D. Kasarda, Michael D. Irwin, and Holly L. Hughes, "The South is Still Rising," American Demographics 8 (June, 1986), 32-39, 70.
16. Otis K. Graham, Jr., "From Snowbelt to Sunbelt: The Impact of Migration," Dialogue 39 (Jan. 1983), 10; Statistical Abstract of the United States: 1992, 21-22.
17. Isaac Robinson, "Blacks Move Back to the South," American Demographics 8 (June 1986), 40-43.
18. The Chapel Hill (NC) Newspaper, Dec. 4, 1988.
19. Randall M. Miller and George E. Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt: Essays on Ethnicity, Race, and the Urban South (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1988). See also Raymond A. Mohl, ed., Searching for the Sunbelt: Historical Perspectives on a Region (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1990); Richard M. Bernard and Bradley R. Rice, Sunbelt Cities: Politics and Growth Since World War II (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1983); and Ethnic Heritage in Mississippi, ed. Barbara Carpenter (Published for Mississippi Humanities Council by University Press of Mississippi, 1992). Newer titles will be reported in The Journal of American Ethnic History and Immigration Newsletter.
20. A likely selection of useful books on recent Miami would include Joan Didion, Miami (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1987); T. D. Allman, Miami, City of the Future (New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1987); David Rieff, Going to Miami: Exiles, Tourists, and Refugees in the New America (Boston: Little Brown, 1987); and Miami Now!: Immigration, Ethnicity, and Social Change, ed. Guillermo J. Grenier and Alex Stepick III (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1992).
21. Daniels, A Southerner Discovers the South, 313.
22. Raymond Arsenault and Gary R. Mormino, "From Dixie to Dreamland: Demographic and Cultural Change in Florida, 1880-1980," in Miller and Pozzetta, eds., Shades of the Sunbelt, 161-91; Statistical Abstract of the United States: 1992, 23.
23. Arsenault and Mormino, "From Dixie to Dreamland," 134-36; Ronald H. Bayor, "Models of Ethnic and Racial Politics in the Urban Sunbelt South," in Searching for the Sunbelt, 115. See also The Politics of San Antonio: Community, Progress, and Power (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983).
24. Earl Shorris, Latinos: A Biography of the People (New York: Norton, 1992), 37.
25. Houston Chronicle, Sept. 11, 1988.
26. Tindall, "Beyond the Mainstream," 8. There is a literature on local ethnic groups too extensive to summarize here, much of it mentioned in the entries under George E. Pozzetta (consultant), "Ethnicity" in Encyclopedia of Southern Culture, ed. by Charles Regan Wilson and William Ferris (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1989), 401-45. See also Miller and Pozzetta, Shades of the Sunbelt. Of particular interest is Indians of the Southeastern United States in the Late Twentieth Century, ed. J. Anthony Paredes (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1992).
27. John Smith, The Proceedings of the English Colony in Virginia . . . (Oxford, Eng. 1612), reprinted in The Complete Works of Captain John Smith (1580-1631), 3 vols, ed. Philip L. Barber (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1986), 1: 246.
28. Leonard Dinnerstein and David M. Reimers, Ethnic Americans: A History of Immigration, 3rd ed. (New York, 1988), 6.
29. Ronald H. Bayor, "Race, Ethnicity, and Political Change in the Urban South," in Miller and Pozzetta, Shades of the Sunbelt, 131.
30. Marcus Lee Hansen, The Problem of the Third Generation Immigrant (Rock Island, IL: Augustana Historical Society, 1938), 9-10.
31. Raymond A. Mohl, "Miami: New Immigrant City" in Searching for the Sunbelt, 163-168; Thomas Exter, "The Spanish Future," American Demographics 11 (Oct. 1989), 63. Exter cites The Future of the Spanish Language in the United States, from the Hispanic Policy Development Project.
32. James L. Peacock, III, "Multiple Cultures in the South," typescript draft proposal for a symposium on The Multicultural South, which took place at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Apr. 8, 1989. Typescript, 1989, in possession of the author.

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